Editions on CD:


• Corpus of Spanish Emblem Books

• The Golden Age of European Emblematics

• Emblems of Wither & Rollenhagen

• Alciato, Emblemata. Critical Edition

• Emblems of the Society of Jesus

• Renaissance Books of Imprese

• Baroque Repertories of Imprese


• Hieroglyphics

• Animal Symbolism

• Mythographies


• Renaissance Numismatics

• Complete Works of Hubert Goltzius

proverbial wisdom

• Erasmus’ Adagia. Versions and Sources


• Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua española

complete works

• Baltasar Gracián

Treasures of Kalocsa

• Book of Psalms
MS 382, c. 1438



(fifth c. BC)

We know of Horapollo through Suda, who mentions him in ω 159 (Ὡραπόλλων) as the leader of one of the last pagan schools of Menouthis, near Alexandria, during the reign of Emperor Zeno (474-491), from where he was forced to flee when he became involved in a revolt against the Christians. His school was shut down, his temple of Isis and Osiris destroyed, and he, after being subjected to torture, finally converted to Christianity.

Nevertheless, in the same entry, Suda alludes to another Horapollo – probably the former’s uncle – a grammarian from Phanebytis during the reign of Theodosius II (408-450) who taught in Alexandria and Constantinople. Beginning in the sixteenth century, the Hieroglyphica were usually attributed to him. There were other spurious traditions that ascribed the work to a king of Egypt, Horus, son of Osiris, or even to the god Horus himself, as can be read on the cover of the translation of the manuscript by Nostradamus (Rollet’s ed., 1968): "Horapollo, Son of Osiris, King of Egypt".

Other fragments from Suda help us to reconstruct Horapollo’s intellectual world: select philosophical circles, of an élite educational background, who carefully gathered together the last traces of the Egyptian past, and admired the relics of ancient cults, reinterpreting that legacy in the light of contemporary Neoplatonism. Prior to Horapollo, Egyptian culture, as well as knowledge about the hieroglyphics, had been propagated in Greek by Manetho, Bolus of Mende, Apion and Cæremon. All of their works, which have only survived in fragmentary form, were written in the same style as the Hieroglyphica by Horapollo, the only complete ancient treatise on Egyptian hieroglyphics.

The Hieroglyphica

The two books of the Hieroglyphica contain in total 189 interpretations of hieroglyphs: Book I describes 70, and Book II 119. In the Renaissance they were generally considered to be authentic Egyptian characters, and although this authenticity was seriously placed in doubt during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, modern-day Egyptology recognizes that Book I in its entirety and approximately one third of Book II are based on real signs from hieroglyphic writing. Nevertheless, their interpretation does not follow their functional meaning in the Egyptian system of writing, but rather a presumably loftier moral, theological or natural decoding of reality, in exactly the same way that the Physiologus was interpreted at around the same time. This genre of the symbolic rereading of the hieroglyphs – "enigmatic hieroglyphs" as Rigoni and Zanco (1996) call them – was very popular in the late Hellenistic period. It should not surprise us, then, that so many Renaissance Humanists – for whom this was all quite familiar through Lucan, Apuleius, Plutarch, Clement of Alexandria and, especially, Ennead V by Plotinus – should see in the Hieroglyphica a genuine connection with the highest sphere of wisdom.

The part of the Hieroglyphica that does not deal with hieroglyphics – chaps. 31-117 of Book II – may well have served to encourage even more this type of reading, by including animal allegorization derived principally from Aristotle, Aelian, Pliny and Artemidorus. These renovated symbols were added to the original material by the Greek translator, who, in the introduction to Book II, affirms explicitly that they are «interpretations of signs gathered from diverse sources».

The manuscript of the Hieroglyphica made its way to Florence, from the island of Andros, in the hand of Cristoforo Buondelmonti in 1422 (today housed in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut.69,27). In spite of its being confined originally to a tight circle of Florentine Humanists in the fifteenth century, its content would become enormously popular at the end of the century, with the dissemination of the new sensibility represented by Francesco Colonna’s Hypnerotomachia Poliphilii (written around 1467 and published in Venice by Aldo Manuzio, in 1499). The editio princeps, in Greek, of the Hieroglyphica, was published by Manuzio in 1505 and enjoyed more than 30 editions and translations during the sixteenth century, not including all the adaptations.

The Hieroglyphica offered a treasure trove of new allegories that the humanists utilized either directly in their works – such as the famous Ehrenpforte, by Albrecht Dürer – or, more commonly, by consulting the very complete and systematic compilation undertaken by Giovanni Pierio Valeriano, also entitled Hieroglyphica (editio princeps 1556). But the major relevance of Horapollo’s book consisted mainly of inaugurating a new and widely disseminated model of symbolic communication. Beginning with the previously cited Ennead V.8 of Plotinus, along with the commentaries of Ficino, hieroglyphic representation was understood as an immediate, total and almost divine form of knowledge, as opposed to the mediated, incomplete and temporal form appropriate to discursive language. These ideas inspired not only Ficino or Giordano Bruno, but also Erasmus, Athanasius Kircher and even Leibniz. On the other hand, this work intiated the mode of "writing with mute signs" (Alciato) – as expressed in the preface of so many emblem books – thus contributing decisively to the evolution and popularity of the emblematic genre. In fact, as Mario Praz has pointed out, in this period emblems were normally seen as the modern equivalents of sacred Egyptian signs.


Studiolum now publishes on its website the complete text of the 1547 edition of the Hieroglyphica,  the only Italian translation prior to the 20th century.

Hieroglyphic 1.6 in several editions:

Paris: Kerver 1543
(first French translation, and first illustrated edition)

Quant ilz vouloient denoter dieu ou hauteur, ou depression & bassesse, ou excellence, ou sang, ou victoire, ou Mars & venus. Ilz paignoient vng aigle, signifiant Dieu pource que cest vng oyseau qui fort multiplie & vit longuement aussi il semble y auoir quelque effigie & similitude du soleil pource que seul entre tous les autres oyseaulx laigle tient les yeulx fermes & ouuer contre les rais du soleil & a ceste cause les medecins aux remedes des yeulx vsent de lherbe de laigle quilz appellent hieracea. Aucunesfoys ilz paignoient le soleil en forme dun aigle comme celluy par que nous voyons elle denote haulteur pour ce que quant elle veult monter en hault elle ne prent point son chemin de coste & a trauers comme les aultres mais volle droict contremont. Bassesse pource quelle font & descend de mesmes tout droict sans tournoyer comme font tous aultres oyseaulx. Excellence pource que en beaulte & noblesse elle excede tous les aultres. Sang pour ce quelle ne boit iamais eau mais sang. Victoire pource quelle vainct & surmonte tous oyseaulx & que se trouuant au combat si elle se sent & trouue foible elle se renuerse & mect les piedz contremont & deuers le ciel & se deffend de son ennemy lequel voyant quil ne peult faire le semblable se donne a fouyr.

Bologna: Filippo Fasianino 1517
(second Latin translation)

DEum immortalem Aegyptii significare uolentes, altitudinem, humilitatem, excellentiam, sanguinem, uictoriam, Martem, et Venerem, Accipitrem notant, ac deum quidem primo eam ob causam significant: Quoniam animal id plurimae foecunditatis est diuque uiuit. Ad haec utique quia praeter omnia uolatilia solis Idolon ac simulacrum Accipiter esse credatur, eo quod solis radios acutissimo obtutu recte intuetur, Quamobrem medici quidem periti ad oculorum medelam Hieracia ab accipitris nomine herba denominata, utuntur, Inde solem quoque ceu dominum humani aspectus in accipitris formam nonnunquam pingunt. Altitudinem uero, quoniam caetera animalia cum in altum uolant oblique semper feruntur, quia recte uolare nequeunt, Solus uero Accipiter recto uolatu altiora petit. Humilitatem autem, quia reliqua animalia non recte uolantia secundum demissionem uadunt: sed oblique descendunt. Accipiter uero per rectitudinem certam ad humillima quaeque descendendo uertitur. Excellentiam, quoniam supra omne auitium genus: Accipiter longe excellere uidetur. Sanguinem, quandoquidem animal istud aquam in potum nusquam sumere sed sanguinem duntaxat bibere solitum memorant. Victoriam, Quia genus omne auium solus accipiter uincere creditur. Cum enim a robustiori ac fortiori quapiam aue sese premi ac superari senserit, illico in aere ita se supinum facit, ut ungues suos ad superiores partes reuoluat, Pennas uero ad posteriora corporis deorsum, assidue pugnando perstringat, hinc fit ut cum reliqua uolatilia ei in pugna opposita idem facere et paria esse nequeant, uicta relinquantur atque inferiora sint. Isque ipse accipiter ad uictoriam omnino perueniat.

MS of Michel Nostradamus (ca. 1543-47), ed. Pierre Rollet 1968

Que voulaient signifier pour l'aigle

Quant ont vouloit monstrer dieu par puissance,
Dépression, haulteur ou exélence
Sang ou victoyre, l'aigle ont paignoit en rond,
Dieu pour ce que l'aigle est oyseau fécond
De longue vie comme oyseau non pareil
Et simulachre du souverain soleil

Pour ce qu'elle est d'exélente nature
Sur toutz oyseaulx voir le soleil s'asseure,
Ses hieulx intendz aux rayons sus les cieulx
Par quoy les mires aulx modelles des hieulx
Usent d'une herbe de l'aigle qu'ont voit métré,
Voir le soleil comme seigneur et maistre
Et largiteur de la vertu visive
Et prime cause par effect productive
Pour ce que quant hault au ciel vient monter
Pour hault monter ne prend chemin oblique
Mais contremont tout droit son vol aplique.

Venice: Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari 1547 (first Italian translation)

COme uogliono dimostrare Iddio, ouero altezza, o abbassamento, o eccellenza, o sangue, o uittoria, [4v] dipingono un’Aquila. Iddio certamente, per esser questo uccello abbondante e di lunga età. Et ancho perche pare essere un simulacro del Sole, tenendo lei sola fra tutti gli altri uccelli gli occhi intenti uerso i raggi del Sole. E di qui uiene, che i Medici in uolere medicare gl’occhi adoprono un’herba, c’ha preso il nome dall’Aquila. E uolendo alcuna fiata dipignere il Sole, si come padrone del uedere, dissegnano la forma dell’Aquila. L’altezza, perche gli altri uolatili, quando uogliono uolare in alto, si piegano, non potendo uolar diritti: ma la sola Aquila uola sempre diritta in alto. E similmente significa abbassamento, percioche medesimamente gli altri uccelli discendono in la terra torti, e l’Aquila sola discende diritta. Et essendo l’Aquila da piu de gli altri uccelli, dimostra anchora eccellenza. Et oltra di questo il sangue, perche come dicono non beue acqua, ma il sangue. E superando lei gl’altri uccelli, significa per questo uittoria: perche quando ella combatte con un’altro, s’ella s’accorge d’esser uinta, si riuolta col corpo in su, & adrizza l’unghie, hauendo l’ali e il dorso uoltato alla terra: & in questo modo con gli altri guereggia: tal che non potendo fare’l simile il suo nimico, si pone uolontieri in fuga.

Basel: Heinrich Petri 1554 (first German translation)

Gott. EIn anzeigung Gottes für zůschreiben malen sie disen vogel den Adler, darumbenn das der so fruchtbar vnnd langwürig.
Sonn. DArzů vermeinen sie das der Adler sey der Sonnen bild vnd warzeichen, dann vor anders gflügels ahrt, so sieht er gstracks inn die Sonnen ströumen hinein. Deßhalben die ärzt zů dem weethagen der augen, ein Kraut prauchen (ich liß hie ein stein, den man ἀετίτην nennet) derwegen so maalen sie zů zeitenn ein Adler, die Sonne, als ein herren des gsichts zůbedeüten. Darzů vergleichend sie den Adler der Sonnen, vmb diser vrsach willen, habendiro auch ine zůgeeignet, darumben das das weiblin, sich so offt ime das mändlin lockt in der geyle, das etwo biß in dreissig mal sich begibt, ghorsamet. Also die Sonn, so sie dreissig tag vmblaufft fült sie den Mon, vnd macht in scheynbar.
Hochheit. SO sie yemands hochachtend vnd als ein fürnemen anzeigen wöllen, so maalen sie auch ein Adler, vmb dessen willen, das das ander gflügel alles, so es sich in die höhin schwingen will, gleich beseits vnd krumb vmb vffharen muß, do der Adler schnůr schlechts vber sich steigt.
Vndertruckung. HIngegen bedeüt der Adler auch eins vndertruckten jamer, der etwa inn hohem ansehen gwesen, vnd gar in vnachtung kompt vff ein mal. Dann eben andere vögel auch, all gmach vnd schlimms, auß den lüfften sich nider lassen, do der Adler grad vnd schlechts nider scheüßt.
Adel. WO yemands höher dann ander leüt, vnd fürtrefflicher, wolten sie auch, der Adler zeigte dasselbige durch eigne ahrt an, wöllicher der edlest vnder allen voglen gehalten.
Blůtuergiessen. VNd darumben das der Adler (wie man sagt) allein mit plůt seinen durst löscht, kein wasser trinckt, haben sie groß plůtvergiessen dardurch bedeüten wöllen.
Sig. VNd überwindtlich, vnd gleich den ander vögeln allen, ist diser Adler überlegen, derhalben sie den sig durch dessen bild, für schreiben wolten. Ob aber ein anderer vogel ihm obläge, so legt er sich an rucken, whört sich mit den klauwen also liglingen, als dann mag ihm der feynd nimmer zů, würdt von dem erlegten gleich veriagt vnd überwunden.

Caussin, Electorum symbolorum et parabolarum historicarum syntagmata, ex Horo, Clemente, Epiphanio & aliis cum Notis & Observationibus, Paris 1618

6. Quid accipitrem pingentes, innuant.

Deum quum volunt significare, aut sublimitatem, aut humilitatem, aut praestantiam, aut sanguinem, aut victoriam, accipitrem pingunt. Deum quidem tum quod foecundum sit ac diuturnae vitae hoc animal, tum etiam quòd Solis praeter caeteras volucres simulacrum esse videatur, vtpote peculiari quadam atque occulta naturae vi, defixis in eius radios oculis intuens. Atque hinc est, quod medici ad sananda oculorum vitia, hieraceo herba vtuntur. Inde etiam fit, vt solem interdum, tanquam visus autorem ac dominum, accipitris forma pingant. Sublimitatem vero, quia cum caetera quidem animantia, quoties in sublime tolli volunt, oblique ferantur, nec recta sursum euehi possint, solus accipiter recta in altum volat. Humilitatem porro seu delectionem, quod eadem ratione caeterae animantes non perpendiculi modo, sed velut ex transuerso & flexuose deorsum ferantur, solus accipiter directo ad inferiora viam carpat. Praestantiam, quod caeteris auibus praestare videatur. Sanguinem, quia animal hoc aiunt non aquam, sed sanguinem bibere. Victoriam demum, quod caeteras volucres vincere videatur. Quum enim robustioris animantis potentia se videt opprimi, tum sese in aëre ita resupinans, vt vngues quidem sursum, pennas vero ac posteriores partes deorsum versas habeat, quum idem auis quae cum eo congreditur efficere nequeat, ita facile eam in fugam vertit, ac sibi victoriam parat.

Τί δηλοῦσιν ἱέρακα γράφοντες.

Θεὸν βοθλόμενοι σημῆναι, ἢ ὕψος, ἢ ταπείνωσιν, ἢ ὑπεροχήν, ἢ νίκην, ἱέρακα ζωγραφοῦσι. θεὸν μέν, διὰ τὸ πολύγονον εἶναι τὸ ζῶον καὶ πολυχρόνιον ἔτι γε μήν, ἐπεὶ καὶ δοκεῖ εἴδωλον ἡλίου ὑπάρχειν παρὰ πάντα τὰ πετεινὰ πρὸς τὰς αὐτοῦ ἀκτῖνας ὀξυωποῦν, ἀφ’ οὗ καὶ ἰατροὶ πρὸς ἴασιν ὀφθαλμῶν τ ἱερακίᾳ βοτάνῃ χρῶνται. ὅθεν καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ὡς κύριον ὄντα ὁράσεως, ἔσθ’ ὅτε ἱερακόμορφον ζωγραφοῦσιν. Ὕψος δέ, ἐπεὶ τὰ μὲν ἕτερα ζῶα εἰς ὕψος πέτεσθαι προαιρούμενα, πλαγίως φέρεται, ἀδθνατοῦντα κατ’ εὐθὺ χωρεῖν. μόνος δὲ ἱέραξ εἰς ὕψος κατ’ εὐθὺ πέτεται. Ταπείνωσιν δὲ, ἐπεὶ τὰ ἕτερα ζῶα οὐ κατὰ κάθετον χωρεῖ πρὸς τοῦτο, πλαγίως δὲ καταφέρεται. ἱέραξ δὲ κατ’ ευθὺ ἐπὶ τὸ ταπεινὸν τρέπεται. Ὑπεροχὴν δέ, ἐπειδὴ δοκεῖ πάντων τῶν πετεινῶν διαφέρειν. Αἷμα δέ, ἐπειδή φασι τοῦτο τὸ ζῶον ὕδωρ μὴ πίνειν ἀλλ’ αἷμα. Νίκην δέ, ἐπειδὴ δοκεῖ τοῦτο τὸ ζῶον, πᾶν νικᾶν πετεινόν. ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ὑπὸ ἰσχυροτέρου ζώου καταδυναστεύηται, τὸ τηνικαῦτα ἑαυτὸν ὑπτιάσας ἐν τῷ ἀέρι, ὡς τοὺς μὲν ὄνυχας αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ ἄνω ἐσχηματίσθαι, τὰ δὲ πτερὰ καὶ τὰ ὀπίσθια εἰς τὰ κάτω τὴν μάχην ποιεῖται. οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἀντιμαχόμενον αὐτῷ ζῶον, τὸ αὐτὸ ποιῆσαι ἀδθνατοῦν, εἰς ἧτταν ἔρχεται.

De Accipitris cultu & Symbolis apud Aegyptios, dico in obseruationibus.



Editorial history of the Hieroglyphica


• Venice: Aldus Manutius 1505: editio princeps in Greek, in a volume that also contains Aesop’s Fabellae and other minor works, based on the fifteenth-century Venetian MS "Marciano greco 391."
• Augsburg 1515: first Latin translation, by Bernardino Trebazio, dedicated to Konrad Peutinger. This translation – as we read in the preface – is quite liberal; it omits without commentary all corrupt textual passages or those with a dubious meaning. Nevertheless, it was very popular, as attested by its many reprints: Basel 1518, Paris 1530, Basel 1534, Venice 1538, Lyon 1542, Lyon 1626 (as an appendix to Valeriano's Hieroglyphica).
• Bologna: Hieronymus Platonides 1517: second Latin translation, by Filippo Fasanini. It was probably based on a Greek MS rather than on the edition of Aldus; but this work did not enjoy the same popularity as that of Trebazio.
• Unfinished Latin translation in MS. Vienna, Nationalbibliothek: begun by Willibald Pirckheimer in 1512 at the request of Emperor Maximilian I. It contains 67 hieroglyphics from Book I, and the first one from Book II. Published by Giehlow in 1915.
• Paris: Pierre Vidoue 1521: edited by Jean Angeli; the Greek is based on Aldus, and the Latin on Trebazio.
• Paris: Jacques Kerver 1543: first French translation, by an anonymous translator, illustrated with 197 engravings generally attributed to Jean Cousin. The Appendix contains ten "additional hieroglyphics," including 1.66, 2.1 and 2.5 from the edition by Aldus, as well as some others taken primarily from the Hypnerotomachia Poliphilii.
• Venice: Gabriel Giolito de’ Ferrari 1547: the only Italian translation, by Pietro Vasolli da Fivizzano, dedicated to Giovanni Battista Terzago. The translation followed Trebazio’s Latin, with many omissions (of the 119 chapters of Book II, it includes only 81); in spite of this, it was a very popular edition.
• MS of a French translation by Michel Nostradamus, made up of epigrams written between 1543 and 1547. Edited by Rollet, 1968.
• Paris: Jacques Kerver 1548: Greek, with a Latin translation by Jean Mercier. It was reprinted, with the Latin revised by Mercier, based on a manuscript entrusted to him by the printer Guillaume Morel, in 1551. It includes the engravings from the 1543 edition.
• Paris: Jacques Kerver 1553: Mercier’s 1548 Latin translation, and a French translation, probably by Jean Martin, the French translator of the Hypnerotomachia (also published by Kerver, 1546). With engravings from the 1543 edition, and with 7 "additional hieroglyphics" in the appendix.
• Basel: Heinrich Petri 1554: German translation by the Swiss theologian Johann Herold, with engravings of a very poor quality.
• Valencia: Antonio Sanahuja 1556: Greek edition by Juan Lorenzo Palmireno, professor of rhetoric and humanities at the Universidad de Valencia.
• Paris: Galliot du Pré 1574: reprint of Kerver’s 1553 version with his engravings, but with Latin by Trebazio, and with 11 "additional hieroglyphics" in an appendix.
• Augsburg 1595: Greek edition by David Hoeschel, based on the MS Monacense graec. 419 of Augsburg (only slightly different from that of Aldus); with Latin translation and observations by Jean Mercier, 1548. This version served as the basis for the Greek text of all subsequent editions. Reprinted in Augsburg 1606, Frankfurt 1614 (as an appendix to Valeriano's Hieroglyphica), Leipzig 1626 (with Latin text only), Cologne 1631, Frankfurt 1678.
• Rome: Aloisii Zanetti 1597: a Greek-Latin version by Giulio Franceschini "expurgated" for use in schools, with 184 engravings of inferior quality. Reprinted in 1599.
• Paris 1618: Greek and Latin, by the Jesuit Nicolas Caussin, along with his observations. The same volume contains other works on animal symbolism. It appeared earlier with the title Electorum symbolorum et parabolarum historicarum syntagmata, and later under the title De symbolica Aegyptiorum sapientiae in the Cologne editions of 1622, 1631, 1654, Paris 1634 and 1647.
• Utrecht: M. L. Charlois 1727: edited by Cornelius de Pauw, with Greek text by Hoeschel and a Latin translation based on that of Mercier, 1548; with all observations by Mercier and Hoeschel, and with selected commentaries by Caussin. Pauw’s introduction and commentary prove the presence of a vast non-Egyptian material in the Hieroglyphica.
• Amsterdam-Paris: Musier 1779: French translation by Martin Requier, who rejects the authorship of Horapollo and attributes the work to the translator Filipo, dating it in the fifteenth century.
• Amsterdam: J. Müller 1835: edited by Konrad Leemans. The Greek text is based on that of Hoeschel, but it is compared to three manuscripts not utilized. This is the first attempt to separate systematically the authentic Egyptian material from the later Hellenistic additions.
• London: W. Pickering 1839: edited by Alexander Turner Cory, based on Leeman’s edition. It contains the images from several authentic Egyptian hieroglyphs that correspond to the textual descriptions. Reprinted in 1840 and 1987.
• Naples 1940: edited by Francesco Sbordone. Compared to several new manuscripts, it adopts the most recent criteria of Egyptologists and demonstrates that even the most fantastic of Horapollo’s explanations can be traced back to ancient writers.
• Brussels 1943: French translation, with abundant Egyptological commentary by Badouin Van de Walle and Joseph Vergote, from the Chronique d’Egypte, nos. 38-39.
• Nueva York 1950: English translation and annotation by Franz Boas. Reprinted in 1993, with an introduction by Anthony Grafton, and the engravings of Albrect Dürer.
• Madrid: Akal 1991: Spanish translation by María José García Soler, edited by Jesús María González de Zárate. Illustrated with the engravings and Greek texts from the 1551 edition. Its extensive commentaries include abundant material on ancient parallels and Renaissance and Baroque influences.
• Milan: Rizzoli 1996: edition and Italian translation by Mario Andrea Rigoni and Elena Zanco.


last minute

• Register to receive our news!

• 5.4: RSA: A Recapitulation

• 4.4: DVD edition of Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua española

• 18.3: Treasures of Kalocsa, Vol. 1: Psalterium MS 382



Discreet Reader

Sancho Panza and the Turtle

An Encounter with the Inquisition

Phoenix on the top of the palm tree

Canis reversus

His Master’s Voice

Virgil’s best verse

To eat turtle or not to eat it

blog of studiolum

•  Chinatown

•  Un viaje a la mente barroca

•  Unde Covarrubias Hungaricè didicit?


open library

• Bibliography of Hispanic Emblematics

• Horapollo, Hieroglyphica 1547

• Alciato, Emblemata 1531

• The Album Amicorum of Franciscus Pápai Páriz

• Ludovicus Carbo, De Mathiae regis rebus gestis (c. 1473-75)

• Epistolary of Pedro de Santacilia y Pax

medio maravedí

Texts and Studies of Medieval and Golden Age Spanish Literature